REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS

REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS (A.D. igfio-the Present Day) History of Cyprus

The new republic was, of course, founded upon its constitution, and this constitution was based upon the agreement reached at Lancaster House in February 1959. Twenty-seven articles incorporated in the agreement were accepted as fundamental parts of the future constitution. The first twenty of these distributed the power of government between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities in a proportion of 70-30 per cent. The President was to be Greek, the Vice President Turkish. The House of Representatives was to be drawn in like proportions from the two communities, and this applied also to the civil service, police and gendarmerie. A standing army of about 2,000 men could be 60 per cent Greek and 40 per cent Turkish. Rules were laid down for the establishment of a balanced High Court of Justice, and for tribunals to try civil disputes. One article forbade land being taken from a member of one community and distributed to a member of the other. There were to be separate Turkish municipalities in the five largest towns. Other municipalities would follow, as far as possible, the rule of proportional representation for the two communities. As regards international affairs, a treaty guaranteeing the independence, territorial integrity and constitution of the new republic was concluded between Cyprus, Greece, the United Kingdom and Turkey. This was fortified by a treaty of military alliance between Cyprus, Greece and Turkey. The Republic of Cyprus undertook to remain independent, and with this intent prohibited any activity aimed towards union with another country or partition of the island. The abandonment of Enosis, therefore, had become the price of independence. With the exception of two areas to be used as bases (Akrotiri-Episkopi-Parraali and Dhekalia-Pergamos-Ayios Nikolaos) the United Kingdom agreed to transfer sovereignty over the island to the Republic, the principal provision being the protection of the fundamental human rights of the minority communities of Cyprus. For a short time all went well under the stimulus of self government, achieved for the first time in the island's long history. But it soon became apparent that the constitution's provisions for internal government aiming at maintaining equilibrium between the two racial groups were too much of a compromise to satisfy the majority party. In 1963 violence broke out between the Greek and Turkish sections of the population, and when armed intervention by the British during the Christmas season of that year failed the question was referred to the United Nations. By this time the active elements among the Greek and Turkish Cypriot factions were being reinforced and supported by their 'mother countries', and the peace of the eastern section of the Mediterranean and indeed of the whole world was in jeopardy. On March 4th, 1964, a U.N. force was formed and dispatched to Cyprus with a mandate to 'use its best efforts to prevent a recurrence of fighting and, as necessary, to contribute to the maintenance of law and order and a return to normal conditions'. The presence of the U.N. peace keeping force in Cyprus continues and is renewed periodically. Contingents include the British who are mainly concerned with communications and administration Austrians, Canadians, Danes, Finns, Irish and Swedish military personnel augmented by police from some of these countries, and from Australia and New Zealand. Where necessary they set up barriers and checkpoints between the two opposing factions. U.N. personnel can be identified by their pale blue headgear. Most checkpoints are manned also by the Cyprus Police Force. While the peace keeping function of UNO in the island is discharged effectively and with the minimum of friction, there has been less success in reconciling the conflicting elements. Proposals put forward in 1965 by an impartial mediator appointed by UNO proved unacceptable, and this post is at present in abeyance. The position appears not to have changed in important respects since 1964, when the Turkish Cypriots withdrew from the government, their case being that they were forcibly prevented from taking part. They assert that all acts committed in their absence are unconstitutional. On the other hand, the Greek Cypriot case is that the Turkish Cypriot withdrawal was voluntary, and does not affect the legality of the depleted government, which is increasing in confidence and in the efficient organization of the island's resources, as well as in its aim to extend authority into all parts of the country. In the meantime, dialogues continue between the parties most interested in achieving a solution, and when the time is auspicious the offices of another UNO mediator may be sought in the hope of finding a basis for agreement. Since 1967, when the Greek colonels initiated rule by junta, the theory of union with Greece has become less attractive to all but the most extreme of idealists. But Cyprus is an island of strong feelings, and fanaticism is frequently divorced from realism, leading to expression by violence, as in the attempted assassination of Archbishop Makarios in March 1970 and other acts entirely incompatible with the aims and beliefs of the majority of Cypriots, who at present enjoy a higher standard of living and a stronger sense of identity than ever before in the troubled history of their island. Until 1974 Turkish Cypriots had an isolation from the world because of Greek Cypriots pressures for them, most of must be left Cyprus and went to U.K. or Australia. In 20 July 1974 Turkey send his army to Cyprus to prevent Turkish Cypriots life, now in the island have two country North and South, in the North Cyprus Turkish Cypriots founded Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and they have their own authority. In the Cyprus have two different culture, two different religion and two different language and two different people and two different country...

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